Category Archives: Islam

Buchanan's Bifurcation

IMMIGRATION, Islam, Old Right

Buchanan is easily one of the few smart men left on the networks. A person of the right, starved for some intelligent comment on immigration, tends to be somewhat forgiving of his omissions. Trust Lawrence Auster NEVER to neglect his critical faculties.

A quick aside: Well into his post, Auster writes the following:

There is virtually no one in the West who will stay consistently with the idea that an immigration-related problem is due to the character and culture of the immigrants themselves. They might make such a point occasionally, but then they will immediately edge away from it and start talking about some secondary issue like assimilation and alienation and stuff like that. This is a basic test of conceptual clarity and conservative seriousness: is one willing to say that a non-Western people is different from us, period?

Of course, this is demonstrably false, as my own pieces demonstrate, and in particular, “Rah-Rah for Rioters” and “Mass Immigration and Multiculturalism: What a Riot, Mate.”

Here, then, is Auster’s take on the Buchanan muddle, not least of which is his apologia for Islam:

“I just listened to Patrick Buchanan being interviewed by radio host John Gambling about his book State of Emergency. Buchanan’s message regarding the immigration threat is bracingly strong, but also disconcertingly confused. There was no clear and consistent message or call to action, but a grab-bag of often contradictory complaints. First he talked about immigration. Then he switched into complaining that we’re not trying to assimilate the immigrants. Well, then, which is it—immigration or insufficient assimilation? (Not that we couldn’t do both, reduce or stop immigration and return to strong assimilationist policies, but the problem is that 99 percent of those who focus on inadequate assimilation as the problem also say that immigration is not a problem; they assume that the immigrants all assimilable, when they’re not. Therefore to start complaining about weak assimilationist policies in the midst of an attack on immigration diffuses the anti-immigration argument.)

Then he went into his riff about low Western birth rates and that whole doom and gloom scenario, with its implication that we can’t do anything to stop immigration until the native birth rate is increased. So, what do we do in the meantime? Then he switched to the problem of illegals. So, is the problem illegal immigration, or immigration as a whole? Then he said that America is finished. But if America is finished, what’s the point of talking about it? Does he think we can stop and reverse the immigration and save America, or not?

A further potential contradiction is his position on Muslims. In recent years Buchanan has established a record for himself as a major appeaser of Islam, denying that it represents a threat to us, arguing that at all costs we must avoid a civilization clash with Islam, and publishing an article by a British leftist claiming that Islamic terrorism is not real but an image manufactured by neoconservatives. He passionately attacked the European newspapers that bravely stood up to Muslim intimidation by publishing the Muhammad cartoons, and he has said we must “win the hearts and minds” of Muslims rather than confront them. Winning Muslim hearts and minds, avoiding a civilization conflict—this obviously implies that we must not criticize or seek to reduce Muslim immigration, let alone repatriate Sharia-supporting Muslims. In fact, Buchanan seems to be saying that America’s problem is Hispanic immigration, while Europe’s problem is Muslim immigration. This bifurcation of the issue—allowing Buchanan to come across as a patriot defending America even as he continues to appease jihad-waging Muslims—will not do. He ended however on a strong note. When Gambling asked him, would the massive changes he is describing in the Southwest be a good or a bad thing, Buchanan said he believes in nation, believes in sovereignty, believes in borders, believes in the country America has been, and that all of that is imminently threatened by immigration and particularly Bush’s amnesty bill. He said America is in an existential crisis.”

Buchanan’s Bifurcation

IMMIGRATION, Islam, Old Right

Buchanan is easily one of the few smart men left on the networks. A person of the right, starved for some intelligent comment on immigration, tends to be somewhat forgiving of his omissions. Trust Lawrence Auster NEVER to neglect his critical faculties.

A quick aside: Well into his post, Auster writes the following:

There is virtually no one in the West who will stay consistently with the idea that an immigration-related problem is due to the character and culture of the immigrants themselves. They might make such a point occasionally, but then they will immediately edge away from it and start talking about some secondary issue like assimilation and alienation and stuff like that. This is a basic test of conceptual clarity and conservative seriousness: is one willing to say that a non-Western people is different from us, period?

Of course, this is demonstrably false, as my own pieces demonstrate, and in particular, “Rah-Rah for Rioters” and “Mass Immigration and Multiculturalism: What a Riot, Mate.”

Here, then, is Auster’s take on the Buchanan muddle, not least of which is his apologia for Islam:

“I just listened to Patrick Buchanan being interviewed by radio host John Gambling about his book State of Emergency. Buchanan’s message regarding the immigration threat is bracingly strong, but also disconcertingly confused. There was no clear and consistent message or call to action, but a grab-bag of often contradictory complaints. First he talked about immigration. Then he switched into complaining that we’re not trying to assimilate the immigrants. Well, then, which is it—immigration or insufficient assimilation? (Not that we couldn’t do both, reduce or stop immigration and return to strong assimilationist policies, but the problem is that 99 percent of those who focus on inadequate assimilation as the problem also say that immigration is not a problem; they assume that the immigrants all assimilable, when they’re not. Therefore to start complaining about weak assimilationist policies in the midst of an attack on immigration diffuses the anti-immigration argument.)

Then he went into his riff about low Western birth rates and that whole doom and gloom scenario, with its implication that we can’t do anything to stop immigration until the native birth rate is increased. So, what do we do in the meantime? Then he switched to the problem of illegals. So, is the problem illegal immigration, or immigration as a whole? Then he said that America is finished. But if America is finished, what’s the point of talking about it? Does he think we can stop and reverse the immigration and save America, or not?

A further potential contradiction is his position on Muslims. In recent years Buchanan has established a record for himself as a major appeaser of Islam, denying that it represents a threat to us, arguing that at all costs we must avoid a civilization clash with Islam, and publishing an article by a British leftist claiming that Islamic terrorism is not real but an image manufactured by neoconservatives. He passionately attacked the European newspapers that bravely stood up to Muslim intimidation by publishing the Muhammad cartoons, and he has said we must “win the hearts and minds” of Muslims rather than confront them. Winning Muslim hearts and minds, avoiding a civilization conflict—this obviously implies that we must not criticize or seek to reduce Muslim immigration, let alone repatriate Sharia-supporting Muslims. In fact, Buchanan seems to be saying that America’s problem is Hispanic immigration, while Europe’s problem is Muslim immigration. This bifurcation of the issue—allowing Buchanan to come across as a patriot defending America even as he continues to appease jihad-waging Muslims—will not do. He ended however on a strong note. When Gambling asked him, would the massive changes he is describing in the Southwest be a good or a bad thing, Buchanan said he believes in nation, believes in sovereignty, believes in borders, believes in the country America has been, and that all of that is imminently threatened by immigration and particularly Bush’s amnesty bill. He said America is in an existential crisis.”

‘Hezbollah’s Other War’

Islam, Israel, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Terrorism

Michael Young of Reason Magazine has penned an outstanding analysis of the Lebanese political landscape in the New York Times. Young is the opinion editor of The Daily Star, an English-language newspaper published in Beirut. Skip the ideologically slanted positions proffered on the blogs, left and right, in favor of this forensic breakdown:

“The great fear expressed by many Lebanese is that the country can absorb neither a Hezbollah victory against Israel nor a Hezbollah defeat. If Hezbollah merely survives as both a political and military organization, it can claim victory. The result may be the expansion of the party’s authority over the political system, thanks to its weaponry and its considerable sway over the Lebanese Army, which has a substantial Shiite base. This, in turn, might lead to a solidification of Iranian influence and the restoration of Syrian influence. A Hezbollah defeat, in turn, would be felt by Shiites as a defeat for their community in general, significantly destabilizing the system.

As one Hezbollah combatant recently told The Guardian: ‘The real battle is after the end of this war. We will have to settle score with the Lebanese politicians. We also have the best security and intelligence apparatus in this country, and we can reach any of those people who are speaking against us now. Let’s finish with the Israelis, and then we will settle scores later.”

This essentially repeated what Hassan Nasrallah told Al Jazeera in an interview broadcast a week after the conflict began: ‘If we succeed in achieving the victory . . . we will never forget all those who supported us at this stage. . . . As for those who sinned against us . . . those who made mistakes, those who let us down and those who conspired against us . . . this will be left for a day to settle accounts. We might be tolerant with them, and we might not.’

Meanwhile, the country has sunk into deep depression, and countless Lebanese with the means to emigrate are thinking of doing so. The offspring of March 8 and March 14 are in the same boat, and yet still remain very much apart. The fault lines from the days of the Independence Intifada have hardened under Israel’s bombs. Given the present balance of forces, it is difficult to conceive of a resolution to the present fighting that would both satisfy the majority’s desire to disarm Hezbollah and satisfy Hezbollah’s resolve to defend Shiite gains and remain in the vanguard of the struggle against Israel. Something must give, and until the parliamentary majority and Hezbollah can reach a common vision of what Lebanon must become, the rot will set in further.”

'Hezbollah's Other War'

Islam, Israel, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Terrorism

Michael Young of Reason Magazine has penned an outstanding analysis of the Lebanese political landscape in the New York Times. Young is the opinion editor of The Daily Star, an English-language newspaper published in Beirut. Skip the ideologically slanted positions proffered on the blogs, left and right, in favor of this forensic breakdown:

“The great fear expressed by many Lebanese is that the country can absorb neither a Hezbollah victory against Israel nor a Hezbollah defeat. If Hezbollah merely survives as both a political and military organization, it can claim victory. The result may be the expansion of the party’s authority over the political system, thanks to its weaponry and its considerable sway over the Lebanese Army, which has a substantial Shiite base. This, in turn, might lead to a solidification of Iranian influence and the restoration of Syrian influence. A Hezbollah defeat, in turn, would be felt by Shiites as a defeat for their community in general, significantly destabilizing the system.

As one Hezbollah combatant recently told The Guardian: ‘The real battle is after the end of this war. We will have to settle score with the Lebanese politicians. We also have the best security and intelligence apparatus in this country, and we can reach any of those people who are speaking against us now. Let’s finish with the Israelis, and then we will settle scores later.”

This essentially repeated what Hassan Nasrallah told Al Jazeera in an interview broadcast a week after the conflict began: ‘If we succeed in achieving the victory . . . we will never forget all those who supported us at this stage. . . . As for those who sinned against us . . . those who made mistakes, those who let us down and those who conspired against us . . . this will be left for a day to settle accounts. We might be tolerant with them, and we might not.’

Meanwhile, the country has sunk into deep depression, and countless Lebanese with the means to emigrate are thinking of doing so. The offspring of March 8 and March 14 are in the same boat, and yet still remain very much apart. The fault lines from the days of the Independence Intifada have hardened under Israel’s bombs. Given the present balance of forces, it is difficult to conceive of a resolution to the present fighting that would both satisfy the majority’s desire to disarm Hezbollah and satisfy Hezbollah’s resolve to defend Shiite gains and remain in the vanguard of the struggle against Israel. Something must give, and until the parliamentary majority and Hezbollah can reach a common vision of what Lebanon must become, the rot will set in further.”