Category Archives: Constitution

UPDATED (4/21): Donald Trump’s Judicial Appointments: His Most Enduring Legacy. But, But …

Conservatism, Constitution, Donald Trump, Justice, Law

“Everything else could in theory be reversed. [Trump’s] effect on the law will be profound,” writes The Economist:

.. No president has confirmed more federal appellate judges (12) in his first year than Donald Trump. He has also seen six federal district-court judges confirmed, and one Supreme Court justice, Neil Gorsuch. Another 47 nominees await confirmation; 102 more federal judgeships remain open for Mr Trump to fill. With two of the Supreme Court’s liberal justices, and its one unpredictable member (Anthony Kennedy) aged 79 or older, the president may get to name another justice, cementing the Court’s conservative bent.

Mr Trump’s tax reform, penchant for deregulation and foreign-policy direction could all be reversed by the next president. But because federal judges serve for life, the largely young conservatives whom Mr Trump has placed on the bench will have an impact on American life and law that long outlasts his administration.

The federal judiciary is organised into 12 regional circuits and the nine-member Supreme Court. Around 400,000 cases are filed yearly in the federal system, which has around 1,700 judges. Each of these circuits has several district courts (there are 94 in all), which hear civil and criminal federal cases, and one appellate court (there are 13: one for each circuit and the appellate court for the federal circuit), which hears appeals against decisions made by federal district courts and agencies. Because the Supreme Court hears so few cases, federal appellate courts define most contested matters of federal law.

Every president leaves his mark on the federal bench, but Mr Trump’s will be larger than most, for two reasons. First, Senate Republicans confirmed fewer judges in Barack Obama’s last two years (22) than in any two-year period since 1951-52. Mr Obama left office with 107 federal judgeships still vacant—including Mr Gorsuch’s seat, held open because Senate Republicans refused to give Merrick Garland, Mr Obama’s nominee, a hearing. This was more than twice the number George W. Bush had at his presidency’s end. Second, in 2013 Senate Democrats eliminated the filibuster for lower-court nominees, which means judges can be confirmed with a simple majority vote, rather than the 60 required to break a filibuster. For many conservatives, this opportunity alone—rather than fear of letting Hillary Clinton exploit it—justified their support for Mr Trump.

He has not disappointed. …

… Mr Trump has nominated orthodox conservatives whom the Republican-controlled Senate has happily confirmed.

During his campaign, Mr Trump promised that the judges he nominated would be “all picked by the Federalist Society”, America’s leading organisation of conservative and libertarian lawyers. Many of his nominees have ties to the group, as do Mr Gorsuch and Don McGahn, the president’s counsel. Mr McGahn told a Federalist Society gathering in November that the administration wanted to nominate “strong and smart judges…committed originalists and textualists [who] possess the fortitude to enforce the rule of law”. Mr Trump’s nominees, he crowed, “all have paper trails…there is nothing unknown about them.”

That list of qualities contains subtle digs at the two types of judges conservatives want to avoid. The first, embodied by David Souter, whom George H.W. Bush appointed, is the nominee with a thin record on constitutional issues who turns liberal on the bench. John Roberts, the current chief justice, exemplifies the second type: many conservatives deride him as a squishy institutionalist who caved in to public pressure when he twice voted to uphold the Affordable Care Act.

The maturing of the conservative legal movement, which was in its infancy when Mr Bush picked Mr Souter in 1990, and the strength of its pipeline and networks, has made wild-card nominees less likely, particularly under Mr Trump, who appears happy to be guided by the “Federalist people”. That does not mean, of course, that presidents know how judges will vote on each issue for ever. But Republican judicial nominees share a legal philosophy that is sceptical of executive and federal power and inclined towards “originalism”, which interprets the constitution’s meaning narrowly, as it would have been understood when it was written.

The Economist: “Donald Trump’s judicial appointments may prove his most enduring legacy.”

UPDATE (4/21):

Justice Neil Gorsuch has forbidden the deportation of a criminal under a law the Judge deemed “unconstitutionally vague.” What’s vague about a clause that states a burglary can turn violent/deadly and, by extension, a man who commits one?

That’s vague? Pathetic.

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Pretty Sure Senate Judiciary Committee Is Meant To Be Talking About Things Other Than “Shitholes”

Africa, Constitution, Donald Trump, Europe, Government, IMMIGRATION

If I’ve learned anything from the “Shithole” shitstorm, over the last week, it is that Norway is the Real Shithole and that America should wise-up and welcome more immigrants from Africa and other, more exotic, locales. For Africans practically built America. (No corrections were forthcoming, when guests of Don Lemon and The Lemon himself said this on CNN.)

Did I accurately divine the corporate media’s incessant messaging? Trying my best.

Despite being from Shithole ancestry, Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen acquitted herself superbly before the odious Lindsey Graham and his Democrat soulmates of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who, I am pretty sure, are meant to be talking about something other than Shithole Gate.

Nielsen was “testifying under oath to the Senate Judiciary Committee.” While accusing her of lying, the excellent journalists of America didn’t provide the original reason for her testimony.

Is an inquisition about presidential language par for the course in post-Constitutional America?

Kirstjen Nielsen has a Danish surname, although she could be of Norwegian lineage, as the name Nielsen is common in Norway and Sweden. Again, she did an excellent job, despite her ancestry.

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The Importance Of Executive Orders In A Post-Constitutional Order

Constitution, Donald Trump, Federalism

An idea developed in my book, “The Trump revolution: The Donald’s Creative Destruction Deconstructed” (June, 2016),” rests on the importance of Executive Orders in a post-Constitutional order. Steve Bannon seemed to hold a similar view. An excerpt from Fire and Fury by Michael Wolff:

Bannon’s strategic view of government was shock and awe. In his head, he carried a set of decisive actions that would not just mark the new administration’s opening days but make it clear that nothing ever again would be the same. He had quietly assembled a list of more than 200 executive orders to issue in the first 100 days. The very first EO, in his view, had to be a crackdown on immigration. After all, it was one of Trump’s core campaign promises. Plus, Bannon knew, it was an issue that made liberals batshit mad.

Bannon could push through his agenda for a simple reason: because nobody in the administration really had a job. Priebus, as chief of staff, had to organize meetings, hire staff, and oversee the individual offices in the Executive-branch departments. But Bannon, Kushner, and Ivanka Trump had no specific responsibilities — they did what they wanted. And for Bannon, the will to get big things done was how big things got done. “Chaos was Steve’s strategy,” said Walsh.

On Friday, January 27 — only his eighth day in office — Trump signed an executive order issuing a sweeping exclusion of many Muslims from the United States. In his mania to seize the day, with almost no one in the federal government having seen it or even been aware of it, Bannon had succeeded in pushing through an executive order that overhauled U.S. immigration policy while bypassing the very agencies and personnel responsible for enforcing it.

The result was an emotional outpouring of horror and indignation from liberal media, terror in immigrant communities, tumultuous protests at major airports, confusion throughout the government, and, in the White House, an inundation of opprobrium from friends and family. What have you done? You have to undo this! You’re finished before you even start! But Bannon was satisfied. He could not have hoped to draw a more vivid line between Trump’s America and that of liberals. Almost the entire White House staff demanded to know: Why did we do this on a Friday, when it would hit the airports hardest and bring out the most protesters?

“Errr … that’s why,” said Bannon. “So the snowflakes would show up at the airports and riot.” That was the way to crush the liberals: Make them crazy and drag them to the left.

MORE.

Cannabis And The Constitution

Constitution, Drug War, Individual Rights, Law, libertarianism, Regulation, States' Rights

Ron Paul is synonymous for principle. He has called on Jeff Sessions to resign over his marijuana putsch.

Principled libertarians are with Ron—and are never confused about the devolution of power away from the Federales to states and to individuals. Libertarians ought not to support the federal goons’ drug war.

As for the prattle about a constitutional amendment. There’s no need for further Constitutional centralization. Letting states and individuals decide: Now that’s in THE CONSTITUTION.

Cannabis is not in the Constitution because … look up the Tenth Amendment.

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.